Sarah Kendzior Q & A

 

 
By Sarah Kendzior | June 12, 2025
 

Thank you, everyone, for your thoughtful questions! I answered most and tried to address the main points of those I didn’t include. I focused on topics that came up most often so look for the theme of your question even if you don’t see your name.

I do these Q & As once a month. If you’d like to submit a question, become a paying subscriber. You can do that here: Upgrade to paid

I am very grateful for your support! I am also exhausted and trying to stay strong for the weekend. Look out for each other, folks! These are tough times and I’m impressed by the resilience and defiance I see out here.

And onto the questions…

Star: How do you tell when feuds that involve the administration are real or not (e.g. Trump/Musk recently)? David M: What are the odds that Trump/Musk is just kayfabe?

SK: Trump’s first term and forty prior years of public life were filled with fake feuds to either distract from serious crimes or rehabilitate the reputation of an enabler by portraying them as an enemy. For those who believe this is “too complicated”, it is not — especially for a professional propagandist with a career in reality TV, tabloid media, and crime. Donald Trump has been playing “Donald Trump” for 60 years. This is not “3D chess.” It is charades and Trump is a skilled performer.

With that said, when determining if a feud is fake, ask:
1) Who does it benefit? Does it change your perception of an individual to believe they are against Trump? Why? Is everyone who opposes a bad person automatically a good person, or could they have their own nefarious agenda?
2) Have any material concessions been made or forced? Or do pre-existing business agreements persist despite the “feud”?
3) Does the individual feuding with Trump have a history of working behind the scenes? Does it benefit that individual now to be out of the spotlight?
4) Who is portraying the feud in the media, and how have they previously portrayed Trump and/or his “opponent”? Does their old coverage stand up over time, or is it erroneous, functioning as propaganda? What are their sources? Are the sources also people seeking reputational rehab?
5) Is the topic of the feud something that is legally actionable? Or is it scandal covering up crime — one of Trump’s time-tested tactics?
6) Why does this feud even matter? In my article “Intermission”, I encouraged people to put themselves and each other before Trump. Our political crisis is not a game. Lives are on the line. Folks can watch what they want — that’s their choice. But it is bad to fall into a purely reactive mode unless the feud impacts our life. Dictators seek to be the sole star of a spectacle state. Doing so drains public imagination, making it difficult for citizens to conceive of a politics beyond the demagogue.
7) The most important question: Who is getting hurt? I do not mean Trump and his alleged rival. Who, among ordinary people, is getting hurt? For example, if the feud is about Epstein, do Epstein’s victims finally get justice? If it’s about Trump or Musk’s criminality, does the public get transparency and accountability? If it’s about policy, will innocent Americans be used as collateral damage as each party proves their bona fides through mass abuse?

I’m batting a thousand when it comes to detecting fake feuds, in large part because Trump is a creature of habit in the limelight for half a century and often repeats schemes. (I detail these in my books Hiding in Plain Sight and They Knew.) Trump also has a collaborative relationship with the DOJ, Democrats, and other “enemies” that is widely ignored because the pretense of animosity benefits all of them.

The Trump/Musk dynamic is more difficult to follow. Unfortunately, due to the power each wields, it does matter somewhat. Some aspects of their “feud” followed familiar patterns: for example, nothing Musk said about Trump and Epstein was new. He was using a tactic I called “deja news” in my 2022 book They Knew: presenting well-known horrific information as new to create distance between himself and the criminals (Trump and Epstein) or to dodge accountability for a prior lack of inquiry.

But there are a few twists: 1) Musk’s wealth exceeds that of anyone else with whom Trump has either collaborated or fought 2) Musk’s erratic behavior, exacerbated by alleged drug use 3) Unlike Trump, Musk has not held consistent positions for decades but has become increasingly radicalized and susceptible to outside pressure 4) Musk owns one of the main communication platforms on which the feud took place.

In short: I think the feud is largely fake, but there may be some genuine animosity underneath. Pay attention to the tech oligarchs and their goals: not only Musk, but Peter Thiel and his frontman, JD Vance. It was interesting that the Trump/Musk feud about Epstein occurred hours after Thiel’s financial ties to Epstein’s estate were revealed, causing that story — an important story — to fade from view.

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Searching for Bobbie Gentry

 

America’s culture of cruelty and those who dare to notice.

 
By Sarah Kendzior | June 2, 2025
 

It was the 30th of December, and I was driving the Natchez Trace Parkway, looking for Bobbie Gentry.

I didn’t want to find her. I only wanted to know she was out there, eluding everyone.

I wanted her to outwit every man who did her wrong. Many are dead: Bobbie Gentry is in her 80s. She hasn’t appeared on stage since 1981, when, after a series of music industry disputes, she left public life behind with a steadfastness unrivaled.

I was not the first to explore Chickasaw County, Mississippi and other Gentry haunts, hoping for a glimpse of the singer. For over forty years, no stranger has tracked her down. Gentry wanted to disappear and she got her way. She is rumored to be happy. I am likely angrier about the treatment of Bobbie Gentry than Bobbie Gentry is.

It’s only fair when a trailblazing woman gets burned that younger women pick up the torch.

In 1967, Bobbie Gentry destroyed the Summer of Love. The Beatles crooned “All You Need Is Love”, flower-haired hippies swayed — and in July, Bobbie Gentry released “Ode to Billie Joe”, a spare acoustic ballad about a suicide whose true horror was the politesse and apathy which with it was greeted.

What America needed was not love. America needed truth served cold and clever. “Ode to Billie Joe” framed cruel indifference as mystery. Americans ate it up like a southern noontime dinner.

Ode to Billie Joe knocked Sgt. Pepper’s Lonely Hearts Club Band off the top spot. It made Gentry, who wrote and sang the title track, a massive star. The genre-defying hit — “I don’t sing white or colored; I sing southern,” she explained — dominated the Hot 100, country, easy listening, and R&B charts. Gentry was indefinable, independent, and confident in her dark lyricism.

As a result, she had to be punished. America loves to blame the messenger, especially when the message presages darker days. Some believe the flower power era ended with the Manson murders. “Ode to Billie Joe” suggests the sunny sixties never existed.

“Ode to Billie Joe” is the first-person tale of a family eating dinner on the third of June, “another sleepy dusty Delta day.” They are discussing Billie Joe McAllister, a local boy who died after jumping off the Tallahatchie Bridge. Later, it is revealed that not long before his death, a preacher saw Billie Joe throw something — never named — off the bridge while accompanied by the female narrator of the song. The family members portray Billie Joe’s death as inevitable (“Nothin’ ever comes to no good up on Choctaw Ridge”) and unimportant.

They care more about their meal than his suicide. The song’s most chilling line is “Pass the biscuits, please.”

The parents do not notice how Billie Joe’s death shakes the narrator. In the final verse, it is a year later, and she spends her time throwing flowers off the Tallahatchie Bridge. During that year, “There was a virus goin’ ‘round and papa caught it and he died last spring, and now mama doesn’t seem to wanna do much of anything”.

She recites these horrors like a grocery list.

* * *

In the years after 2020 — when covid ravaged America and protests raged over the brutal murder of George Floyd, only for both tragedies to ultimately be abandoned in favor of apathy — I listened to “Ode to Billie Joe” hundreds of times.

The Summer of 2020 was no Summer of Love. But it was a summer that was supposed to mean something. The next few years were aimed at convincing us that it didn’t, and that we were foolish to believe it would. The real crime was compassion. The real crime was noticing and caring and wanting to make it right.

The biggest villains, in the Biden years, were the messengers: epidemiologists and activists and documentarians of tragedy battling a brigade of pundits and politicians who wanted us to pass the biscuits, please, and ignore that body under the bridge.

* * *

One would think that after “Ode to Billie Joe” — a commercial success and lyrical masterpiece housed in the University of Mississippi library next to Faulkner — Bobbie Gentry would be allowed to do whatever she wanted.

To believe this is to not understand how women are treated in creative industries. When a woman has an unconventional hit, the reaction is often to try to contain her, even sabotage her. Success does not protect female writers — not even from their own publishers.

Instead of gaining support, Gentry found her abilities questioned. “I am a woman working for herself in a man’s field,” she told an interviewer in 1974. Reporters insulted her intelligence. Men took credit for her ideas. She was entangled in industry lawsuits, which she won. She became so wary of management contracts that she limited them to six months to ensure her freedom. Every career move was a tightrope of painstaking navigation and vindicated paranoia.

Her follow-up, The Delta Sweete, was true to Gentry’s vision: enigmatic ballads, raucous soul, and dark southern covers, including “Sermon” (popularized by Johnny Cash as “God’s Gonna Cut You Down”) and “Parchman Farm”, about the notorious Mississippi prison. The US press largely ignored the album and it sold poorly.

“No one bought [The Delta Sweete] but I didn’t lose any sleep over it,” said Gentry in 1968.  I don’t know whether to believe her, but I’m glad she said it.

When America lost interest in Gentry, she became the first female songwriter to host a variety show on the BBC. She often co-directed, but the BBC would not give her formal credit, and she left.

When America regained interest in Gentry, she headlined Vegas revues and partnered with Glen Campbell, becoming an Americana sex symbol and a southern gothic intellectual all at once. A bandmate described her as “an overpowering presence” who micromanaged her elaborate shows. In Vegas, she married a rich man 31 years her senior and divorced him four months later, making lots of money. She signed on to an “Ode to Billie Joe” movie, making lots of money again.

Enough money to vanish in style.

The 1970s brought the voluntary end of Gentry’s career and some of her best songs. In 1969, she headed to FAME Studios in Muscle Shoals, Alabama to record Fancy, released in 1970, under the production of Rick Hall, one of few men to consistently champion her talent.

While on book tour this April, I visited FAME. I stood under the Fancy cover: a painting of Gentry wearing the red velvet high-slit gown of her album’s protagonist, a teenage girl named Fancy who slept her way out of destitution and into independence, unrepentant about doing what she needed to survive.

The tour guide played “Fancy” in the very room where Gentry recorded it. I felt like I was seeing a ghost, but it was the indomitable spirit of the song: Gentry’s second and final hit. Like Fancy, Gentry rewrote the rules of a rigged game before she quit it.

Gentry’s 1971 album, Patchwork, was another commercial failure. Produced solely by Gentry, it alternates between character vignettes; musical interludes; and wry, sad confessions — in particular, the closer, “Lookin’ In”:

I’m packin’ up and I’m checkin’ out, I’m on the road again
Feelin’ like I’m in a pantomime
But the words will come to me in their own good time
Tumblin’ and stumblin’ over in rhyme
And the ugliest word that I ever heard, my friends, is sacrifice
It’s an easy out for all you should have been…

She never made another record.

* * *

Bobbie Gentry was so ahead of her time that she had to leave it.

She sang of the south, where she was raised. She lived in Greenwood, Mississippi in 1955, the year Emmett Till visited and was murdered by racists who threw his corpse in the Tallahatchie River. Gentry was thirteen, a year younger than Till.

Was “Ode to Billie Joe” inspired by Till’s murder? No one knows. Gentry refused to reveal what was thrown off the bridge, believing it incidental to the indifference expressed in the face of tragedy. Scholar Kristine M. McCusker hypothesized that the song reflects changing attitudes of southern whites — including whether to show guilt — at the time Gentry penned the lyrics.

“Ode to Billie Joe” reflects 1955 and 1967 and 2025. American cruelty masquerading as respectability is timeless. What’s hard to fathom today is a cutting social critique becoming a mainstream hit. The music industry has been drained of its power to reflect the people, despite Gentry’s themes resonating now more than ever.

This is particularly true since 2021. The pandemic “ended” when officials decided to bury public health data: another sleepy Delta covid day. Sedition went unpunished until public memory became blurred enough to rehabilitate a coup plotter. Promises made in 2020 to end racist police brutality were not only broken but mocked by the very politicians who made them. (In one particularly grotesque example, Nancy Pelosi thanked George Floyd for dying.)

On social media, anyone could join the callous chat. Americans mourning loved ones were berated. Americans hit by natural disasters were told by distant strangers to “just move.” Americans stripped of rights were ignored by former allies. Emotional breakdowns in public places were filmed and posted online so that a person having the worst day of their life could have an even worse one. Americans were told they deserved what they got and what they got was horrific: the agony, and the apathy.

Cruelty was incentivized for profit and boosted by algorithm. Good-faith arguments could not happen when both “good” and “faith” had vanished. But Americans were not supposed to discuss that: not in a way that acknowledged collective pain. We were told to “move forward”, politician code for “turn your back”. Move forward, they implored, justice is divisive to the unjust.

Gentry is foremost a storyteller. Her songs are not overtly political. But tragedy feeds politics, and politics breeds tragedy, and Americans have been both the predators and the prey. There are few who convey the cruelty of abandonment, and its maddening ambiguity, like Bobbie Gentry.

“Ode to Billie Joe” is known as a sad song. But its sadness lies in the absence of mourning. Death came and people shrugged. If they grieved, they grieved alone.

* * *

In December 2023, I belted out Bobbie Gentry songs as I drove through her name-checked towns of Kosciusko and Okolona and Tupelo. I took in the lay of her land, imagining it in her time. But it is still Gentry’s time: it will always be Gentry’s time. In America, every day is the third of June.

Over the last four years, as cruelty flourished and creativity fell under fire, I turned to Gentry. She didn’t compromise; she didn’t cut and run. She outwitted the industry that sought to suppress her. She had faith that her work would endure after she left the stage — and it did. Gentry destroyed respectability and then did the most scandalous thing of all: abandoned fame for freedom.

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Tornado Daze

 

On graduation, devastation, and the St. Louis blues.

 
By Sarah Kendzior | May 24, 2025
 

At a lake near my house there is a heron I call my therapist. I hadn’t seen him since October: seven months weighted with the ache of a century. Too much happened and too little changed. I wish current political horrors felt unrecognizable, but it’s like watching a reboot of a movie no one wanted the first time. Familiar in the worst ways, leaving me longing for what’s familiar in the best ways.

From a distance, I questioned if it was really him. There are a lot of herons in St. Louis. There is a lot of beauty in St. Louis, and it tends to vanish without warning.

But it was my heron, my old friend. Don’t ask how I know — do I ask you about your avian analysts? He was back in his office: a withered log under a bent branch. A flood had wrecked his last one, but he had found similar new digs.

All that mattered is that he had stayed. He stayed in St. Louis even though he could fly anywhere. I stayed, too. We stared at each other and didn’t wonder why.

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He watched as I floated, awaiting my tales of woe. I stopped paddling and started drifting. I stopped trying and let my sorrow show. The heron stood impassive. Tears don’t faze a creature that’s seen so many storms. My tears are a drop in his lake.

I needed the reminder. I stayed until his legs began to twitch in a familiar way. He was restless, having already cured one client. I snapped a photo as he launched into flight.

   

The day was warm and cloudless and bracketed in blue. It was my first “normal” day after a national book tour and requisite self-promotion. The lake was a mirror reflecting the beauty of my surroundings, but it never reflected me. Here I was free to be human: unmarketed, unjudged. I passed sunbathing turtles and ragweed gleaming like gold. I kayaked under the highway and the whole world left me alone.

For two hours, I felt sorry for anyone who didn’t live in St. Louis and didn’t know what they were missing.

* * *

I came home happy. My son was at school, but my daughter was done with classes and graduating on Monday. I was trying not to dwell on it. Nothing can prepare a parent for that particular mix of pride and pain.

“Let’s get report card sundaes!” I exclaimed. “Like when you were little.”

My daughter laughed. “Report cards? No one cares about report cards senior year.”

“We’ll get summa cum laude sundaes,” I told her. “Make ‘em real big!”

We used to get report card sundaes at The Fountain on Locust, an art deco ice cream parlor harkening to the era when St. Louis was the envy of the world. This venue is fancier than St. Louis’s usual culinary fare, like frozen custard so thick, it’s served upside down. (This is a Very Important Feat in St. Louis.) The Fountain on Locust does have a Toblerone cocktail, though, for anyone who has wondered what it’s like to drink a Toblerone, which is everyone.

But I remembered another place.

“Let’s go to The Fountain on Delmar,” I said. “It’s the new branch on Delmar Boulevard, with the same menu, and we still haven’t seen it.”

My daughter agreed and we debated who should drive. One of those conversations impossible only two years ago. One of those conversations that preludes more permanent, painful departures.

Childhood takes a long time to go by so fast.

We set off past dilapidated buildings and empty lots. St. Louis has looked like this my whole life. When I drive from my house to downtown, or to my favorite bookshop Left Bank Books, I pass homes with no doors or windows and storefronts where bricks were stolen and sold — buildings that have never been inhabited in the twenty years I’ve lived here.

When guests visited, they’d ask what happened. Was it a bomb? A tornado?

“Nothing happened,” I would answer. And I meant it.

What happened was nothing: what happened was abandonment. White flight by racists fleeing once grand neighborhoods, politicians who let plutocrats buy properties only to let them rot, generational poverty that made it impossible for homeowners to pay for repairs. The buildings were so ornate that it is easy to envision what once existed, and hard to accept the ease with which people let it fall away.

Abandonment in a grand old city reads like an act of defiance. Look what you’ve done, the houses scream. Look what you didn’t do.

The Fountain on Delmar is in a new area called the Maker District attempting to bridge the “Delmar Divide”: the separation between wealthier white areas and impoverished Black areas on Delmar Boulevard. Over the last few years, restaurants and art studios have arrived in once abandoned spaces. With them comes the risk of gentrification, but also genuine attempts at equity by folks who work in the area, and who recognize the danger of papering over old wounds with new money.

I write this in the present tense because my heart can’t handle a past tense future.

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Q & A with Sarah Kendzior

 

 
By Sarah Kendzior | May 12, 2025
 
Paying subscriptions are particularly appreciated right now. This newsletter is my main source of income for a family of four. Thank you for considering it!

And away we go…

Sylvia C: If Trump wasn’t around to fill the role of cult leader and autocrat, do you think another autocratic leader might have emerged to fulfill the goals of Project 2025? I understand that Trump has been at it for forty years or so, but did we just get very unlucky with this criminal in chief, or might another have been anointed by the extreme right wing?

SK: We didn’t get unlucky, exactly: intelligent career criminals installed a skilled demagogue frontman after decades of planning and institutional complicity. (For those who doubt this claim, see Hiding in Plain Sight.) But the question of whether there can be a Trump successor is very interesting. The GOP tried with DeSantis and Haley and failed. They tried with JD Vance, and he alienated two Popes, one who would rather literally die than spend one more minute with him. Trump is unique because of his deep connections in business, “business” (organized crime), entertainment, media, and politics. He also had an enormous amount of leverage through blackmail, threats, and bribes, and is a skilled propagandist. It’s hard to replicate that.

In 1990, when the New York tabloids thought Trump was “over”, they wrote of their relief. In 2020, when Trump lost the election, Americans partied in the streets the way countries do when a dictator is toppled. Trump has a cult of personality that doesn’t seem possible to replicate, which is to the advantage of free-thinking people. The key is to never conflate Trump with systemic problems. He is their culmination, not their origin, and those problems will need to be tackled urgently when he goes.

Laura H: Do you see us surviving this regime? Other than protesting, what can those of us trapped in red states do to help us survive?

SK: I will quote red state philosophical luminary Dalton from Road House, the greatest movie set in Missouri: “Never underestimate your opponent. Expect the unexpected. Take it outside. And be nice…until it’s time to not be nice.”

I’m serious: this is the best “surviving a red state” advice around. And since Dalton was a NYC-to-Missouri transplant cooler, his wisdom applies nationwide. Dalton sagely noted that no one ever wins a fight. This is a call for people to live less in reaction to hostile elements and instead be proactive in building a road house of their own — a road house of the soul, if you will. Or else a real-estate developer tied to organized crime may take advantage of you! And that’s when it’s time to not be nice.

Kas: There seems to be a kind of debate brewing among leftists/progressives between those who consistently point out the most dire outcomes as increasingly likely and those who accuse them of fearmongering and discouraging folks from acting. The likelihood that some version of martial law is or is not staring us down would be an example of this. Personally, I don’t think there’s a conflict between being realistic about the extremism of the moment and continuing to act where and when we can to hold whatever ground is left, but I’d love to hear your take.

SK: Those deriding realists as “doomers” are abetting authoritarianism, whether they realize it or not. Many do realize it and collect checks to spread this sort of rhetoric. The ideal situation for Trump’s return was an unprepared population who believed his reinstallation could not happen and that his arrest was imminent — and that’s what podcasters and “legal experts” bleated for years in a manner very similar to QAnon. Those pundits should be regarded as a liberal counterpart to QAnon. Like QAnon, they caused material harm by creating a culture of conformity so rigid it led to anyone with a different view getting threatened with violence for not “trusting the plan”.

People should be realistic about Trump. That means looking at his network, its history, and what institutions have done in reaction to it. One cannot unilaterally stave off something like martial law, but your odds of surviving or combatting it increase when you discuss the topic with like-minded folks instead of being silenced by people who chide you for bringing it up. I encourage people to examine the track records of commentators and see how their past predictions panned out. Did they falsely promise “rule of law” and browbeat anyone who pointed to hard evidence of institutional corruption? Then they may be working for nefarious forces. This is more likely to be true if they have a record of fraud and/or are living in a foreign country and don’t have their life on the line here in the USA.

Norm C: Is it my imagination or are some pundits that were reluctant or afraid to suggest what your well researched and written books have been calling out for years, are now “jumping on the bandwagon”. They sell subscriptions, speaking engagements, merchandise etc. to help us resist and “fight back”. I often enjoy reading their free commentaries but wonder if I’m just being manipulated by a skillful communicator. Is the movement being “monetized”? Any suggestions on navigating among and selecting good sources of information and commentary.

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