Five things Harris — and you — can do to close the deal

Messaging guru Anat Shenker-Osorio on five dos (and don’ts) for the Harris-Walz campaign’s critical final sprint

By Anat Shenker-Osorio | The Ink

Kamala Harris’s candidacy reinvigorated not just the Democratic Party, but the hopes of every American concerned about the future of democracy. The vibes were undeniable, from the early phase of the campaign through the nomination of Tim Walz, and on up to Harris’s command performance at the debate in September.

But since then a lot of the joy of the Harris-Walz campaign has evaporated as Trump and his team regained their grip on the national political conversation. And with less than two weeks remaining, Harris needs to take hold of that conversation again. That will take big, bold moves, unburdened by what’s come before. Time is short, but there is time to change, and if anyone can do it, Kamala Harris can.

What follows are a few of our go-to messaging expert Anat Shenker-Osorio’s hopes for how Harris can still change the game in the closing days of the campaign, recapture the imaginations of voters still unsure as to why their votes matter, and help save democracy.

Do: Run like you’re leading the winning team

Turning out the vote is all about social proof, Anat says. Winning means getting voters to see that they’re part of the team too.

The campaign can’t just be saying, “Harris is going to win,” as if the win fairy was going to come down from the heavens and bestow wins upon her because that is not how it works.

What we need to be saying — as individuals who care about the future of this country — is that voters are turning out in record numbers to swear in Kamala Harris. Notice, what did I say? I didn’t say, “Harris is going to win.” I didn’t say “Elect Kamala Harris.” I said, “Voters are turning out in record numbers to swear in Kamala Harris.”

So why do we say it that way? We say it that way because it creates social proof. People do the thing they think people like them do. People want to be on the winning team, be part of those record numbers, not on the losing team. We say “swear in” and not “elect” because we gotta get this ball all the way down the field. And we already know that that is not just a matter of what happens on November 5th or the week of counting. It is what happens through certification, through January 6th, and all of the rest of it.

Don’t: Act like underdogs

While Donald Trump has been running as if he’s already won, too often Kamala Harris and Tim Walz have positioned themselves as underdogs. This just lets Trump build his claim to contest the results should he lose. That, Anat tells us, has to stop.

Right now, the Harris-Walz campaign self-identifies as underdogs. And Trump and Team MAGA talk about themselves as the winning team. They’re winning, and they’re going to win, and you know the biggest crowds ever, everybody loves him, and — you know, had the election been properly administered and counted, he actually won California in 2020, according to him.

That narrative — that we’re the underdogs — is the first thing that has to change. Trump is doing this because he has to cement the idea that he is winning. It is from that basis that he will claim that any results to the contrary are suspicious.

Do: Call out what you’re against

Harris told the rally crowd in Clarkston, Georgia to “imagine Donald Trump with no guardrails,” and the campaign has been honing its message about the fascist threat MAGA poses. But the campaign can do more, Anat says, to show how that threat stands in the way of the future they are fighting for:

What Harris could do is take all of these attacks against her and use them as proof that MAGA are fascists, that they intend a fascist agenda because they are pursuing a fascist strategy right now. She can say, “Hey, you know how I’ve been warning you? You know how Trump’s very own generals and his staff, his ex-staff, have been warning you that what’s to come is what they say is to come in their Project 2025 agenda.”

We have recent testing that we talked about in a Rolling Stone piece, that shows that after respondents watch what we call the “turducken of hate” ad  — this is about the immigrant prisoners using tax dollars to get gender-affirming treatment accusations — it’s very efficient. It knocks down every single talking point.

The response is to say, “No matter our colors, our origins, our genders, most of us want to shine bright and be able to be our authentic selves. But these MAGA Republicans, same as it ever was, they’re a bunch of bullies. They want to send us into the shadows. They want to take away our freedoms. They want to control our families, and they want to decide our futures for us. They want to pass off the wealth our work creates to hand it to their billionaire buddies and tell us what we can do, who we can love, what we can wear.

We say no. We call BS on them. We’re choosing each other. We know that this is what fascists do. They try to turn us against each other and have us pointing our fingers in the wrong direction.”

Don’t: Feed what you’re fighting

Democrats might be trying to meet voters where they think they are, but letting Republicans set the agenda in framing America’s problems, Anat tells us, is a mistake right from the start.

To motivate, mobilize, and ensure the participation of the 2020 electorate plus new people who’ve aged in or naturalized into voting this year, the Democrats have to get them to recognize that the danger comes from MAGA and not from migrants. From Trump, and not from trans people. From fascism, and not from feminism.

Because their whole story is, “Hey, you think your life is bad. Hey, you think things are hard. Hey, you feel confused. Hey, you feel resentful. Hey, you feel like you don’t even know how you’re supposed to wander through the world and where you belong. You know why? It’s because of those people. And you know what else? We’re going to protect you from those people. And those terrible Democrats are going to aid, abet, enable those people, that other they’re going to make it possible for them to keep doing all this terrible stuff to you, real American.”

As soon as Democrats and this happens all of the time go partly in on those attacks and say, “Yeah, no, it is actually true. We do have a migrant problem. Oh, no, it is actually true. Trans people are kind of threatening. Oh, it is actually true. Crime is an issue, and here’s what we’re going to do about it. I’m going to be President Glock,” then you’re feeding the right-wing story.

You have to run against your opposition and not against the people that your opposition reviles.

Do: Tell the bigger story on gender

To really get at what gender issues mean to voters, Anat says, we need to ask what Republicans hope to gain by attacking transgender Americans — to the tune of $60 million in spending.

Republicans know women are pissed. They’re all kinds of pissed about abortion. They’re all kinds of pissed about childless cat ladies. They’re all kinds of pissed about all sorts of things that Trump and Vance seem congenitally incapable of not doing, like saying deeply misogynistic things any time their vocal folds rub together. So why are they going with the anti-trans thing right now when, you know, 1% of the population is transgender? Why is this really even a thing?

This is clearly their attempt to own a thing that backs up their claim that, “We’re going to protect women.”

So we say, “Look, no matter what you look like, what’s in your wallet, or what your gender is, I think most of us want pretty similar things. We want to hang out with our friends when we have a minute. We want to earn a good living and have a nice life. We want to be there for our families.

But today, there’s a handful of people, of MAGA Republicans, who are hell-bent on stoking our anger, on making us feel resentful and alienated because they know that if they can get us pointing at women or at newcomers or at people who don’t look like us or live like us or love like us, then they can keep picking their pockets with the other hand.

But you know what? We are here for our families. We are here for ourselves. We are here to create a better future. And we know that a better future requires knowing exactly who stands to harm us and the people we love and who is nothing but a distraction or used in order to distract us.

What I have seen Anand say about how strong men, good men, righteous men, upright men, real men oppose fascism — that’s what we do. It’s the same thing we need to do when we talk to white people about race and multiracial democracy. Really all there is to do is to tell people the truth.

Don’t: Accept received wisdom on male voters

Commentators are obsessed with a gender gap in voting, they make a lot of Trump’s polling ahead with male voters — but they ignore Harris’s lead among women, who are more likely to vote. Anat thinks they’re asking the wrong question.

I think I had five different reporters call me this week for a quote on a story about the gender gap —  their question was always a variation on, “Democrats have a problem with men, talk to me about the gender gap.”

And I said, “Well, let me first ask you about the framing of your question because actually, Republicans are more underwater with women than Democrats are with men. As a whole, women vote more than men. So they’re farther underwater among a larger group of people than Democrats with a smaller group of people, So can you explain to me why this gender gap problem, according to you, is in one direction?”

It’s infuriating because in reality, even though men are paid more than women, a vote is still a vote. You don’t get extra points because the person used to vote Republican, because he’s a white dude, because he’s not in college, because he ate at a diner before he went to the ballot. No extra points. A vote is a vote.

People are extraordinarily susceptible to trying to figure out what their category is meant to believe and meant to do and act like. And so it just becomes a form of self-fulfilling prophecy where we are telling young men that this is what young men believe and do, which makes more young men believe and do it.

Do: Sell the brownie, not the recipe

All summer, the press demanded policy specifics from Harris. And she’s talked a lot about policy since — including a proposal to have Medicare cover long-term care that is truly transformative but hasn’t captured the attention it could. Anat suggests Harris show, not tell:

She could do a press conference from a long-term care facility. During the ACA fight under Trump, when the Republicans were desperate to repeal it, people literally put their bodies on the line. People in really, really challenging health situations, disabled folks came into congressional halls. It was news.

And I think that appearing with people who are struggling with long-term illnesses, with you know significant physical disabilities, with older Americans, and appearing alongside them instead of Liz Cheney — she could do that and say, “When I tell you who I’m for, this is what I mean. When I tell you what I plan, this is what I mean. This is the place. This is the time.”

That would viscerally show — not tell — what the policy is because you have to make people feel that they’re in the lived experience of the policy instead of just the description, right? The way I talk about this is to sell the brownie, not the recipe. Talk about how that would actually manifest in people’s lives — don’t just talk about being able to negotiate prescription drug prices according to Medicare.

Don’t: Forget the job of campaigning

Harris took hold of the national conversation when she took over the Democratic candidacy, and did it again when Tim Walz joined the ticket. But over the last month, the Trump campaign has again dominated the conversation as the Harris campaign has courted swing voters.

The fundamental problem is that the Venn diagram of people for whom a Liz Cheney endorsement is a motivator and people who have already repudiated, hate, dislike Trump and are voting for Harris anyway, I’m going to argue, is a perfect circle. Last time I looked, Cheney’s approval rating among Republicans was like 12%.

What people seem not to have internalized is that median voter theory, which is what all of this swing stuff is built out of, is a very old political science idea, and rests on the notion of the electorate as a fixed group of people. And so someone presumably occupies the ideological center of it.

But what’s preposterous about that is that the composition of the electorate changes in every election. And it is the job of the campaign to change that composition by increasing the number of voters who have never voted before, whether they’ve just aged into the electorate, never voted before because they just became naturalized, never voted before because they didn’t feel like it, or are very unreliable voters.

And that is where the payoff is, is the reason why Biden won, is the reason why in the places we staved off the red wave, why there was what my colleague Michael Podhorzer called a “blue undertow.” It’s because of those “surge voters.”  And there are just so many more surge voters than there are swing voters.

Do: Be the change candidate again

As Anat tells us, “If you want to be on the news, you have to make news.” To do that, Harris needs to surprise voters — to make it clear she’s the candidate fighting for democracy, for the freedoms of all Americans. 

What Harris could do is give a very special address in the way that I think many of us remember Obama giving that very special speech on race when all of the allegations around his pastor were swirling. It’s time for a reckoning speech. She doesn’t have to abandon everything she’s been saying, but she changes it up considerably,

“Look, this is what’s happening. This is the reality. And this is what’s before us. We face a fork in the road between two vastly different futures, a future in which we protect our freedoms. And that’s a future in which your government has to listen to you because we are elected by you and we represent you.

And in the other future, it will be forbidden for you to dare to speak in the first place, let alone criticize. A future in which Donald Trump and MAGA will decide what happens to your body if they want to, a future in which they’ll decide which books your kids can read and what truths and lies your kids can learn, a future in which they take your Social Security to hand it over to Elon Musk and whoever else they appoint.

What you’ve been hearing over and again is them attacking people, attacking immigrants, attacking trans people. She needs to open an honest conversation with Americans that creates a clear differentiation between her and him and a clear differentiation between these two vastly different futures. She does it in an extraordinary historic place like the Mall, hearkening to the Women’s March and the March on Washington, surrounded by an unexpected group of people.

The other thing that she could do, and we actually just made an ad on this theme, is to just go for it, and say, “It’s time for a Gen X president.”

Harris is so much younger than both Donald Trump and Joe Biden, and even though the number one reason and fear and concern that got us into this replacement scenario was Joe Biden’s age, somehow everyone kind of forgot that. But one of the very few things that American voters agree on in the abstract is that they want younger people in charge.

So she says, “We were born different. We’re latchkey kids. We came home and had to figure out our own fucking macaroni and cheese (not that she’s going to swear). We are the ones who made technology not suck. We are the ones who had to inherit a world full of problems and create novelty. We have been sidelined and silenced and made to wait our turn for far too long as people who are from a different age refuse to hand over the reins of power. And it’s our turn now.”

She needs to give us an October surprise. She can change up her song once and come in on “All I do is win, win, win no matter what.” Just bait Trump, as she did so beautifully in the debate.

Say people are uninterested in him. People are bored by him. He’s a loser. He’s a loser and he’s losing. He’s a fascist loser who loses and he’s losing. They keep trying to sabotage the election. They’ve lost,  I don’t remember the exact number, but it’s like 200-plus lawsuits. All they do is lose, lose, lose no matter what.

Source: Five things Harris — and you — can do to close the deal

Real men don’t ask fascists to solve their problems, they reject fascism

Kamala Harris
Kamala Harris

A note on Harris’s closing argument

By Anand Giridharadas

Two things have grown increasingly clear: Donald Trump is a fascist, and he is winning the support of most American men. But it doesn’t have to be like this. There is a way out.

Yesterday, a breathtaking report arrived in The New York Times. John Kelly, Trump’s former chief of staff, warned in the starkest terms that Trump is a fascist with a real authoritarian vision and confirmed the murmurs about Trump being jealous not to have had the kind of generals Hitler did.

What Kelly is doing is the opposite of gaslighting, acknowledging as a former insider what many of us have long been saying: that Trump is a fascist, saying and doing fashy things. Winkingly encouraging violence. Goading on and praising insurrectionists. Dehumanizing Others. Calling for the use of the military against civilian opponents. Promising a second term centered on vendettas and retribution. Peddling racial supremacy. Pledging to be a dictator on day one. Telling violent allies to stand back and stand by. Vowing that if you vote for him, you won’t have to vote again — and that if you don’t, it will be a bloodbath.

The distressing thing is that a majority of American men are looking at all of this and saying, “Yeah, let’s do that.” We are dude-bro-ing our way into democratic death.

To be clear, a majority of American men have voted Republican in most presidential cycles for a very long time. What is happening now is not Vice President Kamala Harris failing to win over men. What is happening is that the Republican Party being taken over by fascists has turned out not to be a dealbreaker for a majority of men.

The Democrats’ — and small-D democracy’s — men problem has engendered all sorts of discussion and debate and some amount of understandable frustration. As the writer Charlotte Clymer put it a few days ago, “Can someone please explain to me what exactly it is that young men want to hear from VP Harris that she’s not already saying? And please be specific.”

The problem has also triggered unusual organizing efforts, such as the writer and social media maven Liz Plank’s efforts to use social events where men chat up women to highlight Project 2025’s dangers to all Americans’ sexual liberty, including men’s.

What, if anything, can the Harris campaign do about this problem in the final days? Is there, as Clymer asks, any language that can be spoken that hasn’t? Any outreach that can be done that hasn’t? Any policies that could be rolled out that haven’t?

In recent days, the Harris campaign has tackled the problem head-on, announcing new policies and messages aimed at Black voters and Latino voters in particular.

But if the material dimension of the problem has gotten adequate attention, the affective dimension of the problem has not.

If you spend time traveling this country and talking to people and reporting on communities, if you have the lens of a cultural observer and not only a policy enthusiast, what becomes clear is that, when it comes to men and their enthusiasm for fascism now, the affective dimension may be the dominant one.

Which is to say, a lot of men have been persuaded — brainwashed may be a better word — that the future is something that should terrify them. That the future mocks them, thumbs their nose at them. That it will silence them, constrict them, devalue them, censor them, starve them, obviate them, reduce them to jokes.

Now, suspend for a moment your quibbling about whether any of these feelings are true. In a democracy, feelings very quickly become facts. Part of the deal of living in a self-governing society is accepting that your neighbor’s feelings become your reality. The burden of citizenship is accepting that what is not your fault — and may not even be real — often becomes your problem.

A lot of what a lot of men are going through right now is simply the inner experience of the old line, “When you’re accustomed to privilege, equality feels like oppression.”

And one of the great sweeping mistakes of our era has been assuming that, because certain kinds of change are morally correct, they go down easy. Because certain destinations are good destinations socially and ethically and arc-of-moral-universe-wise, any experience of discomfort with the journey is a private problem to be suffered alone and given little outside help.

So now here we are in a country that is changing a lot, has changed a lot — indeed, has, over the past few generations, done more to change the status and rights and dignity of women than hundreds of prior generations did. And we have done the right things while failing to manage social and psychological change — failing to manage the minds and hearts of those who experience these worthy changes as headwinds.

This seems to me central to the story of how a majority of men could do what populations bewildered by change and anxious about the future and their place in it have done: support fascism, support dictatorship, support tyranny to smash it all.

Vice President Harris is a prosecutor. She has delivered many a closing argument. She knows what closing arguments involve. In court, they are actually a rare chance where you get to speak on the level of affective. In the rest of a crimianl proceeding, it’s just the facts. Just the evidence. But in the closing argument, you can make meaning. You can tell a story. You can move people.

Because this is the only country I have, I am determined that Harris and her running mate, Tim Walz, and the wider pro-democracy movement she represents uses these last days to address part of a closing argument to American men. Not only to roll out policy to them, though policy is vital. Also to speak to them on the level of the gut.

Yes, change is scary. Yes, it sometimes feels like you don’t know how to be these days. Don’t know what to say. Yes, it’s tempting to shake things up when you’re scared. When you feel attacked by the future itself.

But don’t. Because men worthy of the word don’t outsource the care and protection of their families to dictators. Men worthy of the word don’t depend for their self-esteem on the crushing and marginalizing of Others. Men worthy of the word don’t need women to be locked in the fourteenth century legally to feel whole. Men worthy of the word don’t hand over the keys to the future to billionaires who pull the strings.

However one might reject their premises, some fraction of the mass of American men who have succumbed to the lure of Trump’s fascism need to feel seen and heard and recognized in their stress and anxiety and sense of dislocation in the future that is coming. And they need to be invited into a contrary story of progress. Saving the country from tyranny needs to become aspirational for men. Not a lecture.

They need to remember, and become excited to say, that real men reject fascism.


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Source: Real men reject fascism – by Anand Giridharadas – The.Ink

Kamala Harris Steps Up

The future of American democracy now rests on the vice president’s shoulders. That’s why it’s more important than ever to understand who she is

By Joan Walsh

New York City—I sat down with Kamala Harris on a scorching June afternoon, one of a nearly week-long string of 90-degree-plus days. Staffers escorted me to a well-cooled hotel room that had been made over into an interview chamber. I sat at a spare table where a bed would normally be. It was draped in one of those forlorn table skirts and set with two empty glasses, and the window’s thick curtains were closed to the midday sun. It was a little bleak.

I heard the rapid staccato click of high heels. Harris walked in, greeted me warmly, and immediately yanked open the curtains. She was not afraid of the heat. She wanted sunshine in here.

She is about to get much more sunshine—and heat—than she asked for. A few days after our conversation, President Joe Biden had the worst debate performance of his career and sent the Democratic Party into a crisis over his ability to win the 2024 election against Donald Trump. Pundits and more than a few Democratic leaders clamored for Biden to step aside, as polling showed his path to a second term drying up. On July 21, Biden announced that he was suspending his campaign for president and endorsed Harris as nominee soon after. Prominent Democrats quickly lined up behind her as her work wooing Biden’s delegates began.

Harris and I spoke when she was still trying to win a second term for Biden, dispatched to reach voters who were among the most critical to his reelection. In the days before I met with her, I was repeatedly told: Do not suggest that she’s “found her voice” in the two years since the ruling in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, when the Supreme Court robbed American women of rights we’ve enjoyed for half a century—although she kicked off her Dobbs anniversary tour the day we spoke. Do not say that she’s “having a moment” on the 2024 campaign trail. Or ask if there’s any “daylight” between her and the president over Israel’s brutal retaliation against Hamas in the wake of the October 7 massacre. (On policy, there isn’t, though Harris has been more critical in public about the mercilessness of Israel’s response and the toll on Palestinian civilians than Biden has.) Do not ask whether anything “surprises” her after a long career as a district attorney, an attorney general, a senator, and now as the nation’s first Black, first Asian, and first woman vice president. This struck me as a defensive tic, a reaction to the feeling that she has repeatedly been underestimated. (That feeling simmers under the surface of our conversation as well.)

I was warned against going down these paths not just by her staff but by some of the friends who’ve known her for decades. They were not protecting her; they were protecting me—from her impatience with what she thinks are stupid questions she’s heard time and again.

So I struggled with how to phrase a question about whether Dobbs has given her a new mission. I think I maybe even used the dreaded word “moment.”

Read more

RUMBLE with Michael Moore: The U.S. has moved to the Left

Does Trump even know what happened this week? Welcome to the New American Majority, Mr. Trump. There are more of us than there are of you! 79% of the voters in November will be either female, People of Color or under 39 yrs old — or a combination of all three! How are you doing with these groups of Americans? Well, enjoy the next 100 days!


Academy Award-winning filmmaker and political provocateur Michael Moore offers his subversive and humorous take on the issues of the day and talks to a wide range of people from comedians and politicians to the people who’ve tried to kill him. Plus various mischief with Mike’s friends, family and the neighbors who don’t work for the NSA.