Elvis and the Edge of Reality

 

Will the United States die on the toilet?

 
By Sarah Kendzior | Dec 2024
 

My parents saw Elvis Presley live in 1976, one year before he died, and somehow didn’t tell me until last week. They had near front-row seats and my mom could see Elvis up close, stuffed into a white suit, gasping his way through the hits. He was sick and sweaty and slurring, suffering on the stage.

It was clear he wasn’t well. But they never thought that in a year he’d be gone. He was Elvis and they were Boomers. Elvis had always been there, and it seemed he always would be, even as he deteriorated. Whether you loved him or loved to mock him, Elvis was the star around which American pop culture orbited.

You never thought he’d just die on the toilet.

This is what it feels like to watch America in 2024. A fading star, a bittersweet song, every day feeling like a farewell tour. You are the audience but you are also Elvis: tired of performing for the benefit of people who hurt you, trying to remind yourself that the music still matters. The government is Colonel Parker, Elvis’s vicious manager, exploiting every fear.

You are never safe in America, even when you’ve made it — even when you are an “it” upon whom things are made. That’s the worst part, Elvis knew: to become a brand and lose being a person.

In his day, that was the model for pop stars. In the digital era, it is the model for everyone.

I asked my mom about Elvis because I’ve watched Return of the King, the documentary about Elvis’s 1968 comeback concert, a dozen times since its November debut. This was accidental: I was so exhausted that I kept falling asleep, forcing a nightly replay. I’d drift off to Elvis’s gospel howl and awaken to musicians analyzing the industry predators who sought to steal his soul.

Money was only the quotient indicating the degree to which he’d be abandoned, one said —

— and I thought about the insurance CEO whose policies killed tens of thousands before a masked man shot him dead and the president who helped kill tens of thousands overseas and then pardoned his son who was made wealthy through ill-gotten gains and how we were supposed to excuse their behavior because the incoming president is even worse, a rerun kleptocrat whose own pardons are a rogue’s gallery of the worst Americans, some of whom he seeks to grant federal power along with the crypto sons of apartheid —

And then Return of the King would return to my screen, because this madness has a temporary cure. If you want to drown out the nightmare, you can — because there is still American music, the most reliable outlet for American pain. The well so deep it restores even the dead light in an icon’s eyes.

I don’t want my country to collapse. I want it to be redeemed, like Elvis in his 1968 comeback special. When he was truly himself, in all his contradictory appeal, the best and truest Elvis he could be.

When he didn’t know how little time was left and could find redemption outside of applause.

* * *

In 2017, my sister and I took our children to Graceland. Four kids under ten years old, mystified by the shrine to a pompadoured rando with shag carpeting.

“What’s ‘TCB’?” my nephew asked as we passed Elvis’s private jet.

“Taking Care of Business!” I exclaimed, not sure how to impart the irony of Elvis’s inability to do so. “The lightning bolt means he’s Taking Care of Business in a Flash.” My nephew side-eyed me, thinking this could not be real. That is a standard reaction to Graceland.

Inside we passed women weeping near stained-glass peacock doors and portraits of Elvis cased in gold. I’ve been to Graceland three times, and it’s always packed with crying pilgrims.

But Graceland is no weirder than anything else in Memphis: the hamburger joint that has been recycling the same grease for a century and had it transported in an armored vehicle when it switched locations; the Bass Pro Shop shaped like a giant silver pyramid with a live alligator pit inside; the ducks in the Peabody Hotel who perform a daily red carpet parade led by a formally dressed “duck master” before returning to their Royal Duck Palace on the roof; the vendors outside the Lorraine Hotel who, in an act of atrocious tastelessness, sold Martin Luther King shot glasses.

Memphis — so wounded, so wonderful, so wrong and so right, like its most famous resident.

The kids asked whether Elvis was popular when we were little. Yes, we told them, in the 1990s, Elvis was everywhere. Elvis had died before we were born — but had he, really? Or was he in hiding, spotted across the nation like Bigfoot? The rumor was an admission that Elvis had too much America inside him and had to quit before it poisoned him with the downers and PBB&Bs. (The third B stands for Bacon.)

You couldn’t go to the supermarket without a checkout tabloid proclaiming ELVIS LIVES. You didn’t kill him, they assured us, he’s safe, a safe honeychild of America, thankyouverymuch. The Elvis memorabilia industry exploded. The generation that loved him most had disposable income and they stayed loyal to their King.

Younger generations were more skeptical. In 1989, Public Enemy declared, “Elvis was a hero to most/But he never meant shit to me,” condemning the racist industry that elevated Elvis while leaving the Black musicians who inspired him behind. Gen X learned American history from that song but forgot it decades later — or maybe they didn’t want to fight the power in the first place.

But we all rode the wave of inanity. The first person I voted for in a national election was Elvis. In 1992, the United States held a referendum: which Elvis should be on a stamp, Fat Elvis or Skinny Elvis? Ballots were available at your local post office or People magazine. Bill Clinton made an endorsement. Skinny Elvis swept the polls, garnering nearly a million votes, and became the most popular stamp of all time. I voted for Fat Elvis because he seemed lonesome, and I knew Elvis did not like being lonesome tonight.

When I told this tale to my children, I had to fact check it because it seems surreal: the casual comradery, the functional postal service, the existential crises lurking like cicadas underground.

I wish my children could have voted in the Elvis Election, to see what it’s like to cast a ballot without fearing a coup.

At Graceland, I bought a “TCB” Christmas tree topper. It is decorated with a lightning bolt, back when that emblem didn’t instantly evoke Nazi stormtroopers. Back when the return of fascism was a shock instead of an American expectation.

* * *

I have a playlist I listen to when I’m thinking about the government. It has only one song.

The song has different titles — Bobbie Gentry called it “Sermon,” Johnny Cash called it “God’s Gonna Cut You Down,” Bill Lanford called it “Run On for a Long Time,” and Elvis called it “Run On” — because it belongs to none of them and to all of us. This song is American gospel: a threat and a promise, with each variation tallying different sins.

The song’s characters include the long-time liar, the midnight rider, the gambler, the rambler, and the backbiter. It’s like a session of Congress, only with a promise that in the end people get what they deserve.

My heart is with Bobbie Gentry’s acoustic demo — there’s just something about female writers slighted for being ahead of their time — but I love the Elvis version. He’s but a pious messenger, the song insists, yet his warning makes you move like a fire lit under your feet. In Return of the King, friends note how gospel saved Elvis’ career and life, allowing him to shed his plastic 1960s skin and bear his soul.

The vast quantity of low-grade Elvis is part of the Elvis charm. But it’s the sincerity that makes you stay. Elvis had heart. It’s what people struggle to find behind AI and algorithms. It’s what’s missing from the sold-out souls of Americans turned into digital brands. Americans used to consume celebrities, now we consume each other.

My favorite Elvis song is “Edge of Reality.” It was released in 1968, a year when mainstream singers were making extremely strange shit on the velvet mornings when they were straight. Elvis croons of madness:

Oh, I can hear strange voices echo
Laughing with mockery
The borderline of doom I’m facing
The edge of reality!

Elvis lives — in 2024 America, in the here and now, where the edge is the center, and the center does not hold.

I’ve heard that the tech overlords want to turn Elvis into an eternally touring hologram. When it happens, then I’ll know Elvis is really dead.

And who killed him.

* * *

In December 2023, I drove the Natchez Trace Parkway up Mississippi to Tupelo and ate something called a “Belvis Burger” at a restaurant called The Neon Pig.

Tupelo is one of those small cities with an economy based on a hometown hero long gone. I’m familiar with the type: Hannibal, Missouri, home of Mark Twain, is another.

We stayed in a chain hotel decorated with Elvis everything. Outside was a sideways billboard stand looming like a crucifix near the highway. I named it “The Black Cross of Tupelo” and pretended it was a local landmark. The power lines surrounding it reminded me of the lightning bolt from “Taking Care of Business in a Flash.”

Here is where Elvis derived his powers, I thought. Electric American Jesus!

   

2023 had been a long, hard year, and I wasn’t sleeping much then either.

We went to Elvis’s childhood home, a shotgun shack with a church nearby. A memorial plaque for Elvis’s stillborn twin, Jessie, is there. He died a half hour before Elvis entered the world.

There is an unnerving starkness to the Tupelo home and especially to that sad twist of fate. This was the place of poverty Elvis was terrified of revisiting. This was the edge of reality, and he did not want to cross it, and you couldn’t blame him.

Return of the King is the story of how scared Elvis was. Scared he would let down his fans, let down the country, let down himself. Scared he would pull himself down into depths of no return, which he did, in the end.

But for one glorious night, he destroyed everyone’s expectations, including his own.

I am haunted by the documentary’s look at money and abandonment. How money is not only a means of survival, but a token mistaken for love. How the digital era encourages people to quantify every like and follow and let data subsume the soul.

How an unexpected large bill is a real expression of hate: the swift plunge into deprivation, the cold slap of corporate cruelty. There is no reason necessities like healthcare should bankrupt anyone: it is sadism posing as bureaucracy. This is why Americans do not mourn a slain insurance CEO but instead mourn the families his company robbed of life and dignity.

Americans live in fear: even the ones at the top, even Elvis. At the heart of the fear is the threat of humiliation, which can be converted into rage — sometimes destructive, sometimes righteous. American music was invented by the downtrodden: people battered but not beaten down enough to forgive the parties responsible for their plight. They documented it in song instead. Gospel, bluegrass, country, blues, rap: all American genres reckon with redemption and revenge.

American music came from folks wondering why all this heartache landed on them in the first place. Why a country you love acts like it hates you — and these days, what worse entity may replace it if implodes.

For now, the mess is still recognizably ours. Not yet overrun by artificial intelligence, not yet fiefdoms partitioned and sold for parts, but a particularly American kind of damage and delusion. The kind that gazes at you with youthful doe eyes from a stamp, because America likes to pretend that is what it still looks like, instead of a bloated addict dying on the toilet.

“If you’re looking for trouble, then look right in my face,” Elvis sang in his comeback special, eyes gleaming. “Because I’m evil: my middle name is Misery.”

And then he wailed for redemption, like an American.

* * *

 

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Intermission

 

Tired of the Trump Show? Time to change the way you watch

 
By Sarah Kendzior | Nov 2024
 
 

It’s been a long, lonely year with so many people lying. I keep waiting for nightmares, but my dreams have all gone blank.

I’ve been here before. William Gibson described it in 2003:

“We have no future,” he wrote in his novel Pattern Recognition. “Not in the sense that our grandparents had a future, or thought they did…For us, of course, things can change so abruptly, so violently, so profoundly, that futures like our grandparents’ have insufficient ‘now’ to stand on. We have no future because our present is too volatile…We have only risk management.”

Nowadays old political science reads like dystopian sci-fi and dystopian sci-fi reads like new political science. Or self-help, if your goal is to be less despondent. A hall of mirrors is a lonesome place when you’re trying to escape yourself.

In 2016, Donald Trump was proclaimed the president of the United States and immediately prepared to rule like an authoritarian kleptocrat. I had warned of that outcome all year long, and people called me paranoid. After the election, a book I had written four years before, The View from Flyover Country, became wildly popular. Articles about me appeared with titles like “A Cassandra in Trumpland”. People took my warnings seriously now, enough to want to kill me.

In 2024, Donald Trump was proclaimed the president of the United States and immediately prepared to rule like an authoritarian kleptocrat. I had warned of that outcome all year long, and people called me paranoid. After the election, a book I had written four years before, Hiding in Plain Sight, became wildly popular. Hundreds of social media posts calling me “Cassandra” appeared. People took my warnings seriously now, enough to want to kill me.

I’m banking that my aspiring assassins are too tired to follow through. Aren’t we all?

It is intermission in the Trump Show. Full-time programming will resume in January. The Trump Show is the only show Americans watch together, but we can never change the channel.

The remote got lost, like truth and the rule of law. The remote is buried in the couch cushions of the American subconscious. You dig under the seat but all you find is dirt and chump change. Your couch is the media economy.

You sit and surrender to the screen, remembering when the damn thing turned off. There can be no competition for the Trump Show. In a spectacle state, there is only one star — and in a mafia state, he can do anything.

Over the last four years, massive shifts in technology and culture made that much easier. Network television — the last gasp of the American pop monoculture — is no more. The partitioning of TV into streaming silos followed the dissolution of the music industry and foreshadowed the downfall of Hollywood. Cheap entertainment, one of the last unifying American pastimes, was sliced and diced away.

Days after the election, Yellowstonethe most popular TV show in America, returned after a two-year hiatus. For one night, Americans united: not to watch Yellowstone, but to bemoan their inability to find it.

Yellowstone was not streaming even if you subscribed to its streamer. It was said to be on TV, but TV no longer has TV in it. When you googled how to watch it, lying robots gave conflicting bad advice. Yellowstone, the tale of an American who refuses to leave his ranch, now resides in no man’s land.

William Gibson called it: the sky is the color of television, tuned to a dead channel — dead because it is owned by oligarchs. The oligarchs kill fictional politicians and purchase real ones. The same oligarchs who program your TV program your president and your sky, where Starlink slithers. You can’t watch television, but you can watch the sky — and the sky watches you back.

It is not a coincidence that plutocrats are attempting to own everything at once: entertainment and politics and information and transportation and nature. Digital technology is the barbed wire binding their corral, inside which Americans are told to graze on less and less.

Shared American entertainment had to be annihilated, because it fuels comradery and imagination. You might bond with a stranger whose politics don’t align with yours, and the overlords cannot have that.

Social media sites like Twitter and Facebook had to be drastically restructured. You may have a serendipitous exchange, maybe lend an offer of support, and that can’t happen either.

Journalism, archives, accurate search results — those had to go too. You may want to really do your own research — the much-derided concept that is and always was necessary — but it is trickier than ever before.

* * *

I had a mantra in 2016 when people would ask how I knew so much about Trump’s dark ambitions.

“It’s in the public domain!” I would exclaim.

I was not predicting the future so much as I was rehashing the past. I researched public figures and ventured that they would continue the same corrupt activity they had been carrying out for the past half century.

I assumed that institutions would allow it, because those institutions would have never allowed Trump and his criminal cohort near federal power unless they were already rotted.

This was common sense: conclusions verifiable through public documentation of crimes.

But now that documentation is gone. Print archives, digital-native sites, even the time-stamped Twitter accounts that tracked Trump’s first term: much of it is erased or locked behind prohibitively expensive paywalls.

The oligarchs purchased history — and then they rewrote it.

Free information is still out there. It is on YouTube channels that proclaim the glory of the incoming administration, on TikTok influencer informercials, on partisan podcasts hosted by hired hands. I don’t trust them, for obvious reasons. I don’t trust the Democratic versions either, the ones that intone Trump is a fascist and then ask for your money instead of your refusal, like a cuckoo clock endlessly striking thirteen.

I don’t want to be influenced: I want to be informed.

But it’s hard. As I wrote in my book They Knew, there is no longer a public sphere, but there is a public flat earth.

* * *

Since 2020, we lost the shared experiences of TV, movies, and social media. Unfortunately, we did not lose the shared experience of Donald Trump — with the consequence that there is but one national pastime left, politics. There was one national story, and few told it true. As a result, folks began to tune out.

News outlets like MSNBC and CNN are baffled that their ratings have plummeted since the election. Trump used to run like a gravy train with biscuit wheels, fattening network coffers. Those days are over.

For cable news heads failed to understand something essential about their audience: they actually care about their country.

During the Biden Placeholder Presidency, networks created a Trump legal soap opera that sucked in both the well-meaning and witless. In their narrative, Trump’s imprisonment was always imminent yet mysteriously derailed each time. These plot twists were framed as “luck” instead of “corruption”. The Trump legal soap opera ignored a more compelling backstory — the mafia, Jeffrey Epstein, what it means when the DOJ abides sedition — in favor of false saviors and bullshit legalese.

Some folks really believed it. They thought the pundits were bad guessers, not paid liars. They thought the DOJ worked to protect the people and not to protect its own secrets — which requires that they protect Trump, an operative privy to their corruption. They trusted they were getting real news instead of watching a career criminal run out the clock while networks profited off their fear.

And they wonder why ratings are down.

* * *

I am writing about intermission because I am still getting my bearings. The second Trump administration will proceed much like the first, in the sense that superficial changes will happen very fast while the broader crisis of corruption — a transnational crisis — will quietly deepen and become more dangerous.

Reporters will waste time on appointments that never occur, on threats never carried out, because Trump is the president, and they feel they have to cover whatever he says. Actual threats will be carried out, but because those threats reflect his mafia and espionage roots, they will be ignored. Crimes will be covered up with scandals.

The deadliest situations will be the most difficult to assess — not only because of a paucity of information, but because of new restrictions on free speech.

Americans may move even further from political participation, as often happens in autocratic states. Many have already done so due to the terror and disappointment of the past four years. A pandemic that wouldn’t end, skyrocketing inflation, genocidal wars, unpunished state crimes, unaddressed national trauma, the end of rituals — even something as simple as watching television — that held our country together.

The American psyche is worn from paying so much attention and learning so little truth in return.

Americans are battered by hypocrisy: Trump is a fascist, Dems say, yet they look forward to accommodating him? This is a “pandemic of the unvaccinated”, the CDC says, yet both the unvaccinated and vaccinated keep getting infected? “Cancel culture” is a scourge, the GOP says, yet the right-wingers bitching about it are the ones restricting speech and violating privacy? The economy is “booming”, Dems say, but everything is less affordable — and bank statements that prove it are dismissed as “vibes”? And now that the GOP is in power, they’re going to rehash that lie too?

It is intermission and the first half of the show sucked. But intermission is a time to take stock of why it sucked and figure out how to handle the rest.

Read more

Gimme Some Truth: Jen Rubin

Jen Rubin discusses the ‘Morning Joe’ fallout, MSNBC, and the bleak future of cable news

Jen Rubin is a commentator who writes opinion columns for The Washington Post. Previously she worked at Commentary, PJ Media, Human Events, and The Weekly Standard. Her work has been published in media outlets including Politico, New York Post, New York Daily News, National Review, and The Jerusalem Post.
A conservative political commentator throughout most of her career, she became a vocal critic of President Donald Trump and in September 2020, she announced that she no longer identified as a conservative.[2] In 2021, she became a staunch advocate of the Biden administration.